There is limited research available about stalking against police officers specifically however, research suggests limited professional prevalence rates compared to other groups that interact with the public (Guldimann, et al., 2016). In a study conducted among Swiss police officers, Guldimann, et al. (2016) found a lifetime prevalence rate of 5.2%, however, only 1.1% were stalked in relation to their profession. The mean age of Guldimann, et al. (2016) participants was 40.04 years, and the average length of service was 15.77, this is in line with other research, which suggests that older populations have been working longer, giving them more opportunities for victimization (Matos, et al., 2022). Theories include, higher threshold as to what constitutes stalking, lower reporting rates, more privacy concerns, stronger perception of target opposition (by the would-be stalker), shorter interaction, and fixations that are focused on the department, groups, or issues rather than individual officers (Guldimann, et al., 2016; Matos, et al., 2022; Sheridan & Pyszora, 2018). Guldimann, et al. (2016) also explain that female stalkers, which some researchers believe are more likely to target male victims are noncompatibale with the stereotyped perception of stalking and/or are less likely to be reported, additionally, male victims may feel they can address the situation without intervention. They also identified that in contrast to other professional fields, officers have more frequent contact with men than women, and there are lower rates of same gender stalking.
Sheridan & Pyszora, 2018, p. 69
Participants reported that 36% of the stalkers had been former intimate partners of the victim (Guldimann, et al., 2016). Additionally, 11% pursued the new partner of their ex-partner. Thus, 47% of the total stalking cases emerged from a broken romantic relationship. Stalking was emerged from professional interaction in 20%, in all of which the stalker was identified as male.
Among police victims the most common motives Guldimann, et al.'s (2016) reported were "rage" 54%, followed by "love" 50%, followed by, jealousy 39%, revenge 32%, mental illness, power/control 25%, "reconciliation" 18%, and "envy," 7% (p. 220). None of the professional related victims reported a romantic desire as a motive for the stalking. Sheridan & Pyszora (2018) found among "fixated persons" that they do not usually focus on individual police officers, instead usually focus their grievance on the entire police force or a group, in their study they found only two individuals that could be classified as relationship seekers, only one that was fixated on a named individual.
In 32% of the cases the victim had been contacted daily. In 39% of the cases the contacts had been weekly. In 29% of the cases the contacts had been "varied over time" (Guldimann, et al., 2016, p.219). Eleven percent reported a single method of contact that was intense "substantial, and long-term" (Guldimann, et al., 2016, p. 219).
Contacts included:
There were no significant differences between gender regarding violent attacks between male victims (13%) and females (25%), nor did the violence differ between stalker gender, which is consistent with the literature.
Police officers utilized informal resourced (79%) (family & friends) as well as professional resources including colleagues and superiors (50%). However, feedback was mixed, with 20% of officers reporting they "wished for more support" from their employer (Guldimann, et al., 2016, p.22).
Guldimann, et al. (2016) found that there were no significant differences between the professional (17%) and nonprofessional (36%) stalking group regarding presence of fear. Female officers (58%) however, did express more fear compared to male officers (13%). However, there were no significant differences between gender related to changes of daily activities, impact on mental health, or use of professional support. There were also no differences regarding reporting to private networks or professional networks.
In 54% of cases, the victim had been stalked between three months and one year. Additionally, in 32% of the cases the behavior ceased between the two-week and three month mark (Guldimann, et al., 2016z). However, in 14% of the cases the duration exceeded one year.
In only 11% of the cases was the stalking behavior reported (Guldimann, et al., 2016). Furthermore, the stalker was only convicted in 66.67% of the cases in which the they there was either physical bodily harm or threat of harm.
Police victims need to be informed of social support & general guidelines as it pertains to addressing stalking victimization. It is important to be aware that stalkers may approach third parties to obtain information, to spread rumors, or to threaten. Strategically, it is also important for police victims to be aware that third parties can support in the creation and building of files against a stalker, making police reports and as witnesses (Guldimann, et al., 2016). Third-parties should never minimize or trivialize stalking situations. Victim blaming by bystanders or informal resources (i.e. family and friends) or supervisors, coworkers, or colleagues is a hinderance and may make victims hesitant to come forward in the future. This can also decrease overall well being.
While filing a police report may not be suited for every stalking case, there is some suggestion that serving the community while also being a stalking victim may negatively affect one's self concept (Guldimann, et al., 2016). It is recommended that helping agencies be available to monitor changes in the stalking situation as well as to conduct risk assessments. In Guldimann, et al.'s (2016) study 20% were reluctant to file official reports. Additionally, agencies can provide officers with guidelines for early intervention before the stalker has invested considerable time, energy, or resources into their pursuit, at the two-week threshold.
Guldimann, et al. ( 2016) recommends additional policies for police officers to access a support point person within the police departments where they can report stalking behaviors both internally coming from professional interactions, as well as nonprofessional stalking that may be affecting their work-related environment. Additonally, police officers need to be given adequate training, and education to address their own stalking experiences as well as those they may face with colleagues, or with the public. Finally, Guldimann, et al. (2016) suggest police officers be given adequate support from coworkers and superiors and that structures be in place to address stalking when it occurs, such as time off, counseling, or being given alternative assignments.
Sheridan & Pyszora (2018) recommend specific training on how to recognize and respond to fixated behavior. FTAC assessment and management can mitigate threats toward a range of targets including police who have become part of a grievance. Due to the delusional nature the fixation will likely remain, and the person will be preoccupied with their belief unless they are treated with appropriate intervention (M = 4years). Fixations can be primarily attached to a person or a cause, and while Sheridan & Pyszora's (2018) only identified three individual targets, other research has found variable rates (6%-88%). Additional considerations should include that while there may be an initial named target due to the nature of the grievance, if redress fails, those perceived responsible may be held accountable (creating multiple secondary victims or multiple primary stalking victims). Sheridan & Pyszora (2018) recommends processes for recognizing fixated persons, open channels for information sharing between police and mental health services, and advice seeking accordingly. Sheridan & Pyszora (2018) point out that among fixated persons threats significantly outnumbered attacks, but there was a positive association between specific threats and physical attacks following arrest, almost all attacks were planned, as opposed to opportunistic.
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